On July 25, in the Indonesian port town of Cilacap, a 52-year-old Pakistani man was placed in an ambulance and transferred to Nusa Kambangan, otherwise known as “execution island.” Zulfiqar Ali, a textile worker, was arrested for possessing heroin in 2004; like many caught with drugs in Indonesia, he was convicted and sentenced to die. Human rights activists denounced his case; Ali had been tortured into signing a confession, they said, and his primary accuser had retracted his statements at trial. Nonetheless, on Monday, the Sydney Morning Herald reported, while Ali recovered from stomach and kidney surgery, government officials came for him at the hospital. He was slated to die four days later, shot by a firing squad shortly after midnight.
Ali was not alone. Earlier this year, the Indonesian government announced it would soon execute more than a dozen unnamed prisoners, the third round of executions following a four-year moratorium on capital punishment. The announcement — part of a zero-tolerance drug policy implemented under President Joko Widodo in 2013 — sparked grim speculation about who might be next to die. There were the three drug offenders transferred to Nusa Kambangan from Batam, a different island prison, in early May, as reported by the Jakarta Post. Or four “black-skinned people from Nigeria,” in the words of the sentencing judge in the case of Humphrey “Jeff” Ejike Eleweke, who was targeted for surveillance because of his nationality — and who swore he was innocent. By Thursday morning, July 28, newspapers reported, coffins were being ferried to Nusa Kambangan, while family members and spiritual advisers were given name tags for their final visits — “an indication that executions were imminent.” Yet, when it came time to carry out the executions later that night, only four of the 14 were killed. Early reports out of Indonesia said it was unclear who was among the dead. Later, it was revealed that Ali’s life had been spared.
The unexpected turn of events echoed a different last-minute reprieve, one that occurred in 2015. In late June, thousands of miles from Nusa Kambangan, a diminutive Filipino woman spoke from a stage at the Oslo Opera House, a sleek white building on the harbor of Norway’s capital city. “My name is Celia Veloso,” she said in her native Tagalog. “I am the mother of Mary Jane Veloso, who is on death row in Indonesia.” Arrested at the Java airport with heroin in her suitcase, Mary Jane was nearly executed in April 2015 alongside eight other drug convicts, but was spared at the last second. The hasty reprieve was so unexpected that people in the Philippines awoke the next day to inaccurate headlines reporting her death.
The family members of Philippine death row drug convict Mary Jane Veloso — her father, Caesar, mother, Celia, and sons Mark Darren and Mark Danniel — wait outside the Yogyakarta prison on Jan. 12, 2016, before visiting Veloso to celebrate her 31st birthday.
Photo: Suryo Wibowo/AFP/Getty Images
Yet it was Sergio who later stood in the way of Mary Jane’s execution, by turning herself in to police in Manila just hours before she was to die. With Sergio’s own trial now underway, Mary Jane is set to testify against her. Her family hopes that her testimony will force the Indonesian government to recognize she was a victim and commute her sentence altogether. “We long for the day when she will be reunited with her sons,” her mother said in Oslo, breaking down in tears. “We hope with your help that she can return to the Philippines and start a new life.”
The people in the audience included lawyers, academics, and human rights activists. They had traveled from 121 counties for the Sixth World Congress Against the Death Penalty, a three-day event featuring speeches, panels, and artistic performances. Inside the Opera House, there was anti-death penalty artwork by high school students; an “Abolitionist Village” housing activist booths and literature; and a large map of the world highlighting “retentionist countries” — the label given to nations that hold on to capital punishment. Outside, in the heart of Oslo’s fashionable tourist center, red and blue banners lined the street where visitors dined and shopped, carrying the event’s official logo, a handprint reading ¡ABOLITION NOW!
Paul Wilkins and Andrew Chan in January 2015 at a church service inside Kerobokan prison in Bali.
Source: Paul Wilkins
But in Indonesia, the deadliest offenses are drug crimes. All 14 people executed last year were convicted of drug trafficking, and all but two were foreign nationals. With hundreds of Indonesians on death row in other countries, many have decried the hypocrisy of a government that fights to save their own people while targeting foreigners for execution. As a reporter for the Jakarta Globe wrote in 2011, “How can Indonesia expect other countries to grant clemency for our citizens while standing firm on the death penalty for foreign convicts in this country?”
With Indonesian officials hinting they would carry out new executions after Ramadan ended, the specter of new executions loomed in Oslo last month. One Indonesian speaker displayed a graph showing how executions rise during election years. Another presenter discussed the case of a Brazilian man named Rodrigo Gularte, among those shot to death after Mary Jane won her reprieve. News reports described how Gularte, a paranoid schizophrenic, was unaware of what was going to happen to him until he was taken out of his cell. “Am I being executed?” he asked.
A few rows from the front as Celia Veloso spoke was Paul Wilkins, an Australian man in his 30s. A bartender from Melbourne, he traveled to Oslo alone after seeing the event advertised by the human rights group Reprieve. Wilkins did not know Veloso or her daughter. But he knew as much about Mary Jane’s plight as anyone in the room. He could picture the visiting area where she had said her tearful goodbyes to her sons; he had seen the guards who according to media reports had cried as Mary Jane begged for more time. And he knew the field where the others had met their deaths later that night. He had glimpsed it in person and seen it again and again in his mind. It was the place where his friend, 31-year-old Andrew Chan, had died — one of the eight shot by a firing squad in April of last year.Chan was one of the famed Bali Nine, a group of Australians convicted of drug trafficking in 2006. Along with a man named Myuran Sukumaran, Chan had recruited drug mules to smuggle heroin into Australia. Both were sentenced to death. While in prison, Chan had become deeply religious, evolving into a role model for his fellow prisoners. As his execution neared, his case became a cause célèbre, with politicians and celebrities trying to intervene. But Paul knew Chan simply as Andy, a family friend whose company he’d come to enjoy. They talked trash about each other’s favorite rugby teams and cracked dark jokes — “We had a fairly similar sense of humor,” Paul recalls. After Chan was flown in shackles from Bali to Nusa Kambangan, Paul recalled, he laughed at the absurdity of the security video that had been played prior to takeoff. “If the plane’s going down, I’m clearly going down with it,” he said.
A worker holds the tombstone of Zaenal Abidin, one of eight drug convicts executed, during a funeral service at Nusa Kambangan prison on April 29, 2015, in Cilacap, Central Java, Indonesia.
Photo: Ulet Ifansasti/Getty Images
On March 4, 2015, Chan and Sukumaran — a talented artist known to Wilkins by his nickname, “Myu” — were flown from Bali to Cilacap, a signal that their execution was weeks away. The transfer was a show of force; police in riot gear stood by while an armored “Barracuda” vehicle came to take the men. The next month, on April 25, Indonesian officials gave the state’s minimum 72 hours of notice that Chan, Sukumaran, and six others would be executed within days. On April 28, they were dressed in white and led to the field, with Chan leading them in singing “Amazing Grace.” Tied to cross-shaped poles and lined up in a row, the group declined to wear the blindfolds offered to them by the prison. At his funeral, Chan’s wife, Febyanti — who he married as a last wish granted by the government — described how Chan had worn his much-hated glasses so he could look his executioners in the eye.
Chan’s funeral was held at the largest church in Sydney. Hundreds attended and thousands more watched it via live-stream. A childhood friend of Chan’s read a eulogy he had penned for himself before he died. “Ask yourself, what story did I leave you with?” he wrote. “That will determine my legacy.”
In Oslo, Wilkins introduced himself to as many people as he could. It was the first time he had been surrounded by so many people who had some lived experience with the death penalty. For all the public support showered upon his friend — rare for any prisoner — Wilkins had not escaped the strange, disenfranchised kind of grief often felt by those whose loved ones are killed as a matter of law. When the state takes a life in the name of justice, mourning is not socially sanctioned; even as Wilkins received kind text messages from friends last year, he gave up social media to avoid the nasty comments from strangers.
As the one-year anniversary of Chan’s death approached, Wilkins decided to make some changes. Two old friends had unexpectedly died in rapid succession after the execution; he realized he had neglected other relationships. He stopped drinking and focused on exercise. Perhaps most important, Wilkins decided to start telling his story. He began by putting his thoughts on paper. He wrote about his visit to Nusa Kambangan to see Chan for the last time, describing the moment he realized the field behind them was the place where he would die. He wrote about the many loved ones Chan left behind — his mother, his brother, his nephew. He wrote about the uselessness of executing drug offenders as a deterrent when there was always someone new to take their place. He wrote about his friend’s selflessness in his final hours, how he arranged for a delivery of KFC to other death row prisoners, how counterproductive it was for Indonesia to have killed a man who had done so much good in such a bleak place. Wilkins did not know what he would do with the essay. But it represented a bigger goal he set for himself. It had been nearly 50 years since his own country had executed anybody, he concluded. “My hope is that in the future, Indonesia and other countries around the world that still carry out the death penalty will be able to say the same thing.”
Paul Wilkins and Celia Veloso at the Sixth World Congress Against the Death Penalty in Oslo, Norway.
Source: Paul Wilkins Instagram
Top photo: Indonesian police guard Wijaya Pura port, which is the entrance gate to Nusa Kambangan prison, as Indonesia prepares for its third round of drug executions on July 27, 2016, in Cilacap, Central Java, Indonesia.
I was a big fan of Indonesia. I’ve spent many weeks there; I speak the language quite well.
But the corrupt authoritarian government means that I think I’ll never go back.
As someone with a lot of Australian family, it’s particularly nauseating that drug dealers – even people with only cannabis – were punished much harder than some of the Bali bombers who killed over 200 people.
Orang2 Indonesia baik sekali; tapi pemerintah indonesia kekuatan untuk kejahatan. (“The people of Indonesia are great; the government is a force for evil.”)
Humphrey “Jeff” Ejike Eleweke, who was targeted for surveillance because of his nationality — and who swore he was innocent.
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How could they convict somebody who swore he was innocent? What kind of system is that??
Easy. Boycott Indonesian goods.
I’ve been trying to do this for a while now; but the vast majority of Indonesian exports are raw materials.
It’s extremely rare I see “product of Indonesia” anywhere, even though I suspect there’s a pretty decent chance than any wooden thing I purchase might come from there.
There are a few more consumer goods in Australia, so it might work better there. I am still trying…
And supposedly the “good guy” won the Indonesian election. This is just another of many examples of why drugs should be legal.
However, this is a totally minor issue in Indonesia. The biggest issue by far is destruction of the rainforest, the resultant deaths of the animals that live there, and the deaths of traditional indigenous people who live there and destruction of their society. Then there’s the hideous legacy of the U.S. sponsored coup in 1965 and 1966, in which a million people were killed and which still greatly influences Indonesian politics.
i object to the death penalty
i also object to the drug scene
drugs are used for two purposes, stress relief and slavery
the US has a major drug problem
making drugs available for free might help
but i wonder if indonesia has the drug gang crime problem we have
heroin is public enemy #1
cocaine and crack running close second
you furnish heroin to my children, run
” Chan had recruited drug mules to smuggle heroin into Australia. ” And that’s where you lost this reader.
It’s great that these “human rights activists” spend the time and money to fly all the way to Indonesia to shed crocodile tears for drug dealers, but wouldn’t their time and money be better spent protesting the capitalist dictatorship around the world that has plunged society in such chaos to begin with? I saw a so-called “peace demo” the other day, in response to recent terrorist strikes in Europe, consisting of young men and women who wanted peace but did not want to demand an end to all wars, or an end to capitalism, or a stop to banking, or anything. No, they merely said they liked peace. And then they filmed themselves very thoroughly, posted the whole thing on Facebook, and left shortly after. Wonderful. They probably went to a cafe, then went home, and patted themselves on the back. “Job well done, we now have a clean conscience for the rest of our lives.”
Before, religious fanatics would go on expensive pilgrimages just to prove to themselves and to the world of their love of God. Today, SJW fanatics go on expensive trips just to prove to themselves and to social media of their love of freedom. And in both cases, jack shit is proven and jack shit has been done. I understand that it’s really heart-breaking to hear that innocent people in any country may be sitting on death row or doing life for crimes they had not committed, but this is the result of a much bigger issue. And right now, Erdogan has completed a full transformation into a fascist dictator and is funneling tens of thousands of people into prisons, concentration camps and death row. There are a lot of innocent people sitting in violent detention centers in America and Israel. Don’t these people deserve a voice? Democracy Now and Worker’s World reported on the situation in Turkey and South Korea. Is the Intercept deliberately ignoring those countries by reporting on comparatively /trivial/ matters instead?
Also, I’m not quite sure what the point of the article is. Is it to raise awareness that innocents are being dragged to death row in Indonesia, or is it to criticize death row and the persecution of drug convicts?
Because if it’s the latter, than you might as well stuff it. I will have none of this false “ethical” garbage where a serious discussion of any penal system or punitive measure is concerned. I’m not a lawyer nor a police detective, but I have read up extensively on criminal science in both capitalist and socialist countries, after myself being of the opinion that death row was unethical, and I have since come to the realization that capital punishment is a punitive tool that is justified in extreme cases where rehabilitation is either impossible (e.g. it has been noted by many psychiatrists that a rehabilitation of a serial killer or serial rapist is unimaginable) or risky given the gravity of the crime (e.g. drug crimes in the Far East are harshly punished because people living in the Far East are more susceptible to hard drugs than other people, therefore the very existence of a drug dealer is an imminent danger to the public) or simply too generous and therefore sets a bad example for others who may try to copy (e.g. if a war criminal gets off lightly, this may encourage others to commit a similar crime against humanity in the hopes of getting of lightly or not at all).
The goal of the penal and punitive system is to rehabilitate those who deserve and who are susceptible to rehabilitation, to punish those in proportion to the gravity of their crime, and to discourage copycats. Sometimes, the most extreme measure, namely execution, is justified and logical, as cruel as it may sound, but alas we aren’t living in the garden of Eden where everything is joyous and innocent and there aren’t any crack dealers, Adolf Hitlers or serial killers stalking down little kids.
Torture and oppression, on the other hand, are obviously vile deeds that have no business even as a punitive measure. But that’s a whole other discussion. Bottom line: it appears to me that the article is either pointless, ignorant, badly written or trying hard to ignore much more pressing issues in the world. This is something that the Indonesian people should be debating, not us schmoes from Europe and America. It’s like if Mongolians started to discuss the American death row. It’s not only a show of cultural ignorance and ignorance of criminal science, but it’s just plain stupid and out of place, even if it’s undertaken with the best intentions.
“…(e.g. drug crimes in the Far East are harshly punished because people living in the Far East are more susceptible to hard drugs than other people, therefore the very existence of a drug dealer is an imminent danger to the public)…”
Wait, what? Can you give any evidence of this, please?
Sounds like you need large doses of pot and acid, stat!
But of course there are no illegal killings in the Ukraine. Forget about the trade unionists burnt alive in their offices … if there was any wrongdoing in the Ukraine the fearless Intercept would report on it!
Gee, I seem to remember The Intercept doing an article of the trade unionists burnt alive in Ukraine.
Of course, it’s difficult to prove because The Intercept has no easily searchable archive.
There are like 30 countries with similar draconian law. Why single out this one country?
It’s a bit unsettling when your military/police/armed force wears ninja masks.