On the heels of the Iraq Liberation Act, the U.S. carried out a four-day bombing campaign against Iraq dubbed “Operation Desert Fox.” In November 1998, Joe Biden again abandoned his insistence on congressional authorization for acts of war, arguing that President Bill Clinton “is not required” to get congressional support to bomb Iraq. But, Biden added, “I think it would be politically smart.” According to one account, Biden told a Clinton administration official not to worry about widespread protests in the U.S. against bombing Iraq and “advised Clinton to put on his raincoat — and launch away.” As many as 70 Iraqi civilians may have been killed in the strikes. During a Senate hearing on Iraq, Biden said that “the only way, the only way we’re going to get rid of Saddam Hussein is we’re going to end up having to start it alone — start it alone — and it’s going to require guys like you in uniform to be back on foot in the desert taking this son of a — taking Saddam down.” Biden opposed a later decision by Clinton to call off further strikes in the wake of public protests, taking the opportunity to once again criticize former President George H.W. Bush for not intervening to stop Saddam from crushing an uprising of Shia and Kurdish Iraqis that broke out following Iraq’s expulsion from Kuwait. In 1999, Biden argued that the Clinton administration’s policy of containment through sanctions, periodic missile strikes, and no-fly zone bombings was sufficient. “If 10 years from now nothing has changed, that’s not so bad,” he said. “A crippled but whole Iraq that does not threaten anybody in the region would be OK.”
IT’S EVEN WORSE THAN WE THOUGHT.
What we’re seeing right now from Donald Trump is a full-on authoritarian takeover of the U.S. government.
This is not hyperbole.
Court orders are being ignored. MAGA loyalists have been put in charge of the military and federal law enforcement agencies. The Department of Government Efficiency has stripped Congress of its power of the purse. News outlets that challenge Trump have been banished or put under investigation.
Yet far too many are still covering Trump’s assault on democracy like politics as usual, with flattering headlines describing Trump as “unconventional,” “testing the boundaries,” and “aggressively flexing power.”
The Intercept has long covered authoritarian governments, billionaire oligarchs, and backsliding democracies around the world. We understand the challenge we face in Trump and the vital importance of press freedom in defending democracy.
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IT’S BEEN A DEVASTATING year for journalism — the worst in modern U.S. history.
We have a president with utter contempt for truth aggressively using the government’s full powers to dismantle the free press. Corporate news outlets have cowered, becoming accessories in Trump’s project to create a post-truth America. Right-wing billionaires have pounced, buying up media organizations and rebuilding the information environment to their liking.
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I’M BEN MUESSIG, The Intercept’s editor-in-chief. It’s been a devastating year for journalism — the worst in modern U.S. history.
We have a president with utter contempt for truth aggressively using the government’s full powers to dismantle the free press. Corporate news outlets have cowered, becoming accessories in Trump’s project to create a post-truth America. Right-wing billionaires have pounced, buying up media organizations and rebuilding the information environment to their liking.
In this most perilous moment for democracy, The Intercept is fighting back. But to do so effectively, we need to grow.
That’s where you come in. Will you help us expand our reporting capacity in time to hit the ground running in 2026?
We’re independent of corporate interests. Will you help us?
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