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Democrats Hate Their Own Party. The People Can Take It Back.

Trump plays the working-class hero while Democrats cling to corporate donors. David Sirota, Jessica Washington, and Ilyse Hogue discuss how to turn the tide.

Photo collage: Fei Liu / Photo: Jeff Swensen/Getty Images

At a recent rally at U.S. Steel in Pennsylvania, Donald Trump stood in front of a row of workers in hard hats and safety vests and proclaimed, “We’re right now on the verge of passing the largest working class tax cuts in American history.” He framed his “Big Beautiful Bill” — a massive tax cut for the wealthy — as a blue-collar blessing. 

The sleight of hand is classic Trump, and what makes his appeal to voters enduring. “The Republican Party is building the multiracial working class coalition that the Democrats have always said that they want to build,” says David Sirota, founder of The Lever and a former Bernie Sanders speechwriter. 

This week on The Intercept Briefing, host Jordan Uhl speaks to Sirota and politics reporter Jessica Washington about how Trump has successfully used culture-war grievances to win over working-class voters, and why the Democratic Party continues to hemorrhage support.


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The episode also features Ilyse Hogue, the former president of NARAL Pro-Choice America and the co-creator of a new $20 million project called Speaking With American Men, or SAM. The initiative aims to understand — and win back — young male voters who’ve drifted to the right. “ A lot of what we heard from people is that they feel invisible to the Democratic coalition,” she says. 

The plan has sparked skepticism, but Houge says the data is clear: “We’re losing young men of every race, ethnicity, educational background, and economic class in every state we looked at.” 

“ Trump is constantly trying to exploit and demagogue any issue,” Sirota explains, “and really ramrod any issue into a culture war battle where he portrays himself as the Archie Bunker defender of middle America — silent America’s values — and portrays Democrats as mostly interested in talking about advocating for and protecting those who are not part of so-called middle America.” 

According to Hogue, voters SAM have spoken to say, “ They want affordable housing. They want access to health care. They actually feel like Democrats can’t get it done.”

Sirota believes it’s not just lack of faith in their ability to get it done. “The average rank-and-file Democratic voter does not like the Democratic Party, does not like the Democratic leadership,” says Sirota. And that, he argues, is an opening for change.

“You cannot serve the donors and the voters simultaneously.”

Washington, who has covered the SAM initiative and broader trends in the Democratic politics, points to a central and persistent contradiction. “You can’t serve two masters,” she says. “You cannot serve the donors and the voters simultaneously. You cannot serve the average American and the person who has $100 million in the exact same way.” 

If Democrats want to stop hemorrhaging support, particularly among disillusioned voters and younger men, they’ll need to do more than tweak their messaging. They’ll need to pick a side — and start naming villains. As Sirota argues, “ Economic populism is not just the government will strengthen or make more robust the safety net, but that the economic powers and villains in the economy will be limited in their power.”

You can hear the full conversation of The Intercept Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you listen.

IT’S EVEN WORSE THAN WE THOUGHT.

What we’re seeing right now from Donald Trump is a full-on authoritarian takeover of the U.S. government. 

This is not hyperbole.

Court orders are being ignored. MAGA loyalists have been put in charge of the military and federal law enforcement agencies. The Department of Government Efficiency has stripped Congress of its power of the purse. News outlets that challenge Trump have been banished or put under investigation.

Yet far too many are still covering Trump’s assault on democracy like politics as usual, with flattering headlines describing Trump as “unconventional,” “testing the boundaries,” and “aggressively flexing power.” 

The Intercept has long covered authoritarian governments, billionaire oligarchs, and backsliding democracies around the world. We understand the challenge we face in Trump and the vital importance of press freedom in defending democracy.

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IT’S BEEN A DEVASTATING year for journalism — the worst in modern U.S. history.

We have a president with utter contempt for truth aggressively using the government’s full powers to dismantle the free press. Corporate news outlets have cowered, becoming accessories in Trump’s project to create a post-truth America. Right-wing billionaires have pounced, buying up media organizations and rebuilding the information environment to their liking.

In this most perilous moment for democracy, The Intercept is fighting back. But to do so effectively, we need to grow.

That’s where you come in. Will you help us expand our reporting capacity in time to hit the ground running in 2026?

We’re independent of corporate interests. Will you help us?

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I’M BEN MUESSIG, The Intercept’s editor-in-chief. It’s been a devastating year for journalism — the worst in modern U.S. history.

We have a president with utter contempt for truth aggressively using the government’s full powers to dismantle the free press. Corporate news outlets have cowered, becoming accessories in Trump’s project to create a post-truth America. Right-wing billionaires have pounced, buying up media organizations and rebuilding the information environment to their liking.

In this most perilous moment for democracy, The Intercept is fighting back. But to do so effectively, we need to grow.

That’s where you come in. Will you help us expand our reporting capacity in time to hit the ground running in 2026?

We’re independent of corporate interests. Will you help us?

Donate

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